by Tamara Pearson,
How will grassroots organizations within the Venezuelan revolution react to
the new situation? teleSUR talked to activists to get their perspective.
Facing possible austerity and a return to neoliberalism at the hands of a
right wing parliament, will the millions involved in the Bolivarian
revolution radicalize further and protect their 15 years of gains, or will
this be the blow that finally dampens their revolutionary joy and collective
ambition?
While the Bolivarian revolution will still have the presidency, and the
majority of governors and mayors, much of the national decision making and
resources will shift to the elites and right-wing Tuesday, when new
legislators swear in.
This has already seen some interesting small shifts within the revolution,
among the various forces; grassroots organizations, genuine revolutionaries
with leadership and institutional positions, and those in Venezuela's
Socialist Party, or PSUV, whose commitment to the socialist project has been
questioned.
After a call from President Nicolas Maduro for example, grassroots street
assemblies were held around the country after the disappointing electoral
defeat. In Merida state, various PSUV leaders, including the governor of
Merida, were nowhere to be seen at these assemblies. It was the persistent,
honest, hardworking, largely unpaid grassroots activist organizations such
as Tatuy TV, the alternative school, feminist groups, the more progressive
PSUV youth, and communal council members who were, and continue to be,
leading up these meetings and promoting their decisions.
Jessica Pernia, community television activist with Tatuy TV, told teleSUR English about her concern that decisions of the assemblies would not be taken seriously by some state and government leaders. According to Pernia, the assemblies were a "bit of a show" but she believes that "the people aren't stupid and maybe they'll be creative and something new will happen (with this opportunity)."
The media activist and other organizers say that people like the Merida
governor - whom they say is socialist in party membership but not in
practice - now have less interest in promoting grassroots organizing, if it
doesn't serve them electorally. Rather, some of those with institutional
power but opportunist politics are likely to tone down their discourse and
disappear somewhat off the radar, or even pander to the right-wing. Others
however may continue to make symbolic and tokenistic gestures towards
participatory democracy if faced with pressure from their workforce or their
electoral base, while the "genuine" socialist leaders will seize the opportunity to radicalize their area of control.
The grassroots will have the important task of protesting the right-wing
legislature's policies - something which is possibly more straight forward
for these groups than it was to criticize the internal problems of the
revolution. Unfortunately, those organizations will also face more difficult
conditions, with the possible elimination of progressive laws (such as
legislation facilitating community media), and little-to-no material support
from government. The role of the grassroots may also be obscured as the
focus centers on everything the right-wing tries and manages to do, as well
a possible presidential recall referendum and regional elections for state
governors this year.
Given this situation and the challenges facing the future of the Bolivarian
revolution, Maduro and outgoing national assembly president Diosdado Cabello
called these street assemblies as well as a "national communal parliament."
Maduro also approved a number of progressive laws and laws meant to preserve numerous social programs.
Nonetheless, the urgency of the situation meant that Cabello called for this
parliament with little to no consultation with leaders from Venezuela's
close to 1,200 communes - a key element of the Bolivarian revolution's move
towards "popular power."
Pernia celebrated new laws passed by the outgoing socialist national
assembly, but expressed concern about them being approved at the "last
minute."
"We spent so much time working on the Popular Communication Law,
systematizing our conclusions and applying pressure, and how long ago was
that? (Likewise) the seed law, and the Humanized Birthing Law, and these
guys come along ... and pass it two weeks before the right-wing take power
... they say better later than never, but one isn't stupid."
Likewise, on the National Communal Parliament, she said, "We think this will
be a very interesting exercise ... but it also feels like a bit of theater,
'you guys play at communal parliament while we make deals.' What's at stake,
the most important stuff, is being decided between four walls."
After 15 years of Chavismo and around a decade of progressive state politics
in some countries in Latin America, people are now more politically mature
and demanding of their leaders. Many activists in Venezuela say that they
need the revolution to be "deepened," and that the same-old progressive
policies - for example wealth distribution measures - are not enough any
more.
[Jessica] Pernia argued that the people should "up the ante" and stop demanding things like "household electronics and less bureaucracy, and instead demand a whole different economic system, the real transition to socialism, and create the communication system and political education system that Chavez dreamed about."
"Many people have demanded that imports be nationalized, a budgetary system of financing . socialization of the land and the whole process," she said. Yet with privatizations on the table, while millions of activists would
agree with Pernia, even the smallest demands beyond preserving old social gains are now going to become hard struggles.
Venezuela's grassroots have gained the experience to deal with the difficult
struggles ahead, but many questions remain. With the key upcoming recall and
governor elections this year, will the PSUV continue to consolidate itself
as mainly an electoral party, or will the grassroots play a greater role?
Will communal councils and communes strengthen themselves as decision making powers in light of the loss of power of the national assembly, and if so,
how will the right-wing react to that? How will the PSUV relate to them?
How will grassroots organizations within the Venezuelan revolution react to
the new situation? teleSUR talked to activists to get their perspective.
Facing possible austerity and a return to neoliberalism at the hands of a
right wing parliament, will the millions involved in the Bolivarian
revolution radicalize further and protect their 15 years of gains, or will
this be the blow that finally dampens their revolutionary joy and collective
ambition?
While the Bolivarian revolution will still have the presidency, and the
majority of governors and mayors, much of the national decision making and
resources will shift to the elites and right-wing Tuesday, when new
legislators swear in.
This has already seen some interesting small shifts within the revolution,
among the various forces; grassroots organizations, genuine revolutionaries
with leadership and institutional positions, and those in Venezuela's
Socialist Party, or PSUV, whose commitment to the socialist project has been
questioned.
After a call from President Nicolas Maduro for example, grassroots street
assemblies were held around the country after the disappointing electoral
defeat. In Merida state, various PSUV leaders, including the governor of
Merida, were nowhere to be seen at these assemblies. It was the persistent,
honest, hardworking, largely unpaid grassroots activist organizations such
as Tatuy TV, the alternative school, feminist groups, the more progressive
PSUV youth, and communal council members who were, and continue to be,
leading up these meetings and promoting their decisions.
Jessica Pernia, community television activist with Tatuy TV, told teleSUR
English about her concern that decisions of the assemblies would not be
taken seriously by some state and government leaders. According to Pernia,
the assemblies were a "bit of a show" but she believes that "the people
aren't stupid and maybe they'll be creative and something new will happen
(with this opportunity)."
The media activist and other organizers say that people like the Merida
governor - whom they say is socialist in party membership but not in
practice - now have less interest in promoting grassroots organizing, if it
doesn't serve them electorally. Rather, some of those with institutional
power but opportunist politics are likely to tone down their discourse and
disappear somewhat off the radar, or even pander to the right-wing. Others
however may continue to make symbolic and tokenistic gestures towards
participatory democracy if faced with pressure from their workforce or their
electoral base, while the "genuine" socialist leaders will seize the
opportunity to radicalize their area of control.
The grassroots will have the important task of protesting the right-wing
legislature's policies - something which is possibly more straight forward
for these groups than it was to criticize the internal problems of the
revolution. Unfortunately, those organizations will also face more difficult
conditions, with the possible elimination of progressive laws (such as
legislation facilitating community media), and little-to-no material support
from government. The role of the grassroots may also be obscured as the
focus centers on everything the right-wing tries and manages to do, as well
a possible presidential recall referendum and regional elections for state
governors this year.
Given this situation and the challenges facing the future of the Bolivarian revolution, Maduro and outgoing national assembly president Diosdado Cabello called these street assemblies as well as a "national communal parliament." Maduro also approved a number of progressive laws and laws meant to preserve numerous social programs.
Nonetheless, the urgency of the situation meant that Cabello called for this parliament with little to no consultation with leaders from Venezuela's close to 1,200 communes - a key element of the Bolivarian revolution's move towards "popular power."
Pernia celebrated new laws passed by the outgoing socialist national
assembly, but expressed concern about them being approved at the "last
minute."
"We spent so much time working on the Popular Communication Law,
systematizing our conclusions and applying pressure, and how long ago was
that? (Likewise) the seed law, and the Humanized Birthing Law, and these
guys come along ... and pass it two weeks before the right-wing take power
... they say better later than never, but one isn't stupid."
Likewise, on the National Communal Parliament, she said, "We think this will
be a very interesting exercise ... but it also feels like a bit of theater,
'you guys play at communal parliament while we make deals.' What's at stake,
the most important stuff, is being decided between four walls."
After 15 years of Chavismo and around a decade of progressive state politics
in some countries in Latin America, people are now more politically mature
and demanding of their leaders. Many activists in Venezuela say that they
need the revolution to be "deepened," and that the same-old progressive
policies - for example wealth distribution measures - are not enough any
more.
Pernia argued that the people should "up the ante" and stop demanding things
like "household electronics and less bureaucracy, and instead demand a whole
different economic system, the real transition to socialism, and create the
communication system and political education system that Chavez dreamed
about."
"Many people have demanded that imports be nationalized, a budgetary system of financing . socialization of the land and the whole process," she said. Yet with privatizations on the table, while millions of activists would
agree with Pernia, even the smallest demands beyond preserving old social gains are now going to become hard struggles.
Venezuela's grassroots have gained the experience to deal with the difficult struggles ahead, but many questions remain. With the key upcoming recall and governor elections this year, will the PSUV continue to consolidate itself as mainly an electoral party, or will the grassroots play a greater role? Will communal councils and communes strengthen themselves as decision making powersin light of the loss of power of the national assembly, and if so,
how will the right-wing react to that? How will the PSUV relate to them?
